Why did the Giro d’Italia start in Albania?
What this choice reveals about relations between Rome and Tirana
On May 9th, the 108th edition of the Giro d’Italia began. The inaugural stage was held in Durrës, Albania, where, 35 years ago, thousands of Albanians boarded makeshift freighters to reach Italy, crossing the Adriatic for a better future.
In total, three stages of the Giro d’Italia were held on Albanian soil: the second in Tirana and the last in Vlorë on May 11th. On that same day, parliamentary elections were held in Albania, won once again by Edi Rama. He has now officially become the longest-serving leader in Albania's democratic history.
Was this concurrence with the elections merely coincidental, or a calculated plan orchestrated by Rama?
And why did Italy and Albania agree for the Giro to start on Albanian soil?
Image: Paolo Bici, unsplash
The near diplomatic incident
There was a point when the Giro's start in Albania was at risk of being cancelled. On October 31, 2024, the race organising company, RCS Sport, announced the official presentation had been postponed.
The news caused a stir. Firstly, because postponing the Giro presentation was already highly unusual. Secondly, the agreement between the two nations appeared solid and concrete.
There were primarily three reasons for this shift.
The first was the Albanian authorities' irritation regarding media coverage of Albania by certain Italian news outlets. The media in question, incidentally, all part of the RCS group, had reported on migrant detention centres built by the Italian government in Albania, portraying the country in a negative light. This led to Albanian disappointment, prompting them to reconsider paying a company that criticised them.
The second reason, also linked to the detention centres, was reportedly RCS Sport's concern about a potential negative reaction from cycling enthusiasts due to political implications, mindful of the controversy when the 2018 Giro started in Israel.
And finally, the economic issue. According to diplomats from both countries, this was the actual reason for the postponement. Albania had initially offered 7 million euros to host the three stages, only to significantly reduce the amount later.
A few months later, on January 13, 2025, the official presentation of the Giro was held, confirming the three stages on Albanian soil. The event was attended by Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs Antonio Tajani, Albanian President Edi Rama, and Vincenzo Nibali, a two-time race winner.
Rama emphasised his strong desire for Albania to host the Giro, to further strengthen the bond between the two nations. It appears the final agreed sum was considerably lower than the initial offer.
These three stages mark a further improvement in relations between the two countries – ties that many believe began with the large-scale Albanian emigration to Italian shores in the 1990s. In reality, Italians and Albanians had established contact much earlier.
From the Arbëreshë to Vlora
Relations between Tirana and Rome possess a historical depth often overlooked. We must take a significant leap into the past, to the 15th century. During this period, the Ottoman Empire attempted to conquer the Balkan territories. However, in what is now Albania, it encountered the resistance of Prince Skanderbeg, who greatly troubled the Ottomans. His exploits led him to become a national hero for the Albanian people.
The Ottoman Empire's victory came with the conquest of Kruja in 1468 and the definitive defeat of the Albanians. This triggered an exodus, with many Albanians settling in Southern Italy – specifically in Calabria, Sicily, Puglia, Basilicata, Campania, Abruzzo, and Molise.
More than 500 years have passed since that exodus, yet even today the Arbëreshë – named after Arbëria, medieval Albania – represent an "anthropological miracle," as Pier Paolo Pasolini described them. They have phenomenally succeeded in preserving their culture, customs, traditions, and language – a tangible testament to the wonderful relations between Italy and Albania.
Subsequently, Italy played a pivotal role in the declaration of Albanian independence, which came to fruition on November 12, 1912. Both Italy and Austria-Hungary supported Albanian independence. For Rome and Vienna, an independent Albanian state meant eliminating the Ottoman Empire's Adriatic presence and blocking Serbia's (then within Russia's sphere of influence) access to the sea. However, the borders of the new Albanian state excluded many Albanians in the region, notably those in present-day Montenegro, North Macedonia, Kosovo (Kosovë in Albanian), and Greece.
Rome continued to play an important role in Albania, even between the World Wars. The two countries signed several military and economic agreements, codified in the 1926 Italo-Albanian Treaty of Friendship and Security. Italy supported Ahmed Bey Zogu, who proclaimed himself King of the Albanians and transformed the country from a republic into a monarchy.
The honeymoon period concluded between April 7 and 12, 1939, with Italy's invasion of Albania. Mussolini aimed to counter Adolf Hitler's invasion of Czechoslovakia and showcase Italian capabilities. Albania, already under Italian tutelage for years, became the sacrificial victim.
Until the armistice of September 8, 1943, which saw Germany replace Italy, the Fascist regime implemented a vigorous policy of Italianization. An Albanian Fascist party was established, and opposition was suppressed. Significant investments were made, enabling the country to begin modernising. In 1941, through the annexation of Kosovo and parts of Montenegro and North Macedonia, an "ethnic Albania" was formed – often erroneously termed "Greater Albania."
The end of World War II ushered in Enver Hoxha's communist dictatorship. Although political science often portrays him as the malevolent figure who kept his population in check for over thirty years, it's important to note that the Albanian dictatorship, like all dictatorships, did not survive solely on Hoxha's will.
As Ismail Kadare, Albania's foremost literary figure, recalled in the documentary "Albania, il paese di front":
"Enver Hoxha had an entire structure; not thousands, but tens of thousands were responsible for the dictatorship. No dictatorship worldwide is established by one man, nor by eleven, nor by one hundred and eleven. Dictatorships are established by a segment of the population. No dictatorship exists without support from a portion of its populace. To the Albanian people's misfortune, a part of them did support the dictatorship."
Albania became a hermetic state, impenetrable from the outside and inescapable from within. Despite this, Italy managed to maintain ties with Tirana. Crucially for Albanians, they could watch Rai (Italian state television) programs. This access would significantly influence the population's collective psychology.
For years, Italy was the Albanians' sole window to the world – "Lamerica," to quote Gianni Amelio's remarkable movie.
When the regime crumbled, Albania entered arguably the most challenging decade in its history. A mass exodus towards Italian shores began – Italy being the only external reality the Albanian people knew. Those who remained, or were repatriated, fell victim to financial scams – so-called pyramid schemes that cost people their life savings. The consequences were devastating: the populace armed itself, anarchy reigned, and the country teetered on the brink of civil war.
It was 1997, and President Sali Berisha declared a state of emergency. It was during these years that Italy's influence in Albania peaked. Rome took the initiative to prevent its neighbor from descending into an ungovernable "black hole." Operations Pellicano and Alba were noteworthy – contingent aid efforts aimed at securing the country's material and political future.
Mission Alba was crucial, not only for the results achieved by Italian forces in cooperation with other European militaries but especially for Italy's proactive stance. Indeed, it was the Roman government that recognised and alerted other European nations to the critical need for intervention in Albania, to halt the unfolding crisis and mitigate its potential repercussions. This involved considering and defending its own interests and responsibilities. The late 1990s can be seen as the zenith of Italian influence in Albania.
Conversely, the current period marks its nadir since the 20th century. Yet, Albania should be a primary focus for Italy. Controlling the opposite shore is a strategic imperative, achievable only through greater influence in Albania. This objective should top Rome's strategic agenda. Türkiye, in contrast, has executed this well, exponentially increasing its influence in Albania in recent years.
Italy's lack of regard for its neighbour is directly proportional to its neglect of the Adriatic Sea. Italians view it as a large lake, underestimating it and showing little interest beyond summer holidays. Italians only "rediscovered" Albania upon realising they could holiday there cheaply and, more cynically, use it as a place to "park" migrants. And now they host the Giro d’Italia's start there, but purely for financial reasons.
What did this Giro mean for Rome and Tirana?
When a country is granted the opportunity to host the Giro, economic motivations are invariably involved. The host nation pays RCS Sport a sum for various reasons. Fundamentally, the aim is to boost international exposure, foster domestic interest in cycling, and consequently attract cycling tourism.
Let's briefly summarise previous Giro d’Italia starts abroad. The first was in 1965 (San Marino), followed by Monaco (1966), and Belgium (1973), leading up to more recent starts like Jerusalem. The Jerusalem start was fraught with protests, even requiring Italian diplomatic intervention. Before Albania, Hungary hosted in 2022, subsequently seeing a rise in cycling tourism. Budapest allocated 24 million euros for hosting duties.
But this year's start in Albania signifies much more. It speaks volumes about Tirana's use of sport, the excellent relations between the two governments, and a potential Italian strategic reawakening.
Relations between the two governments significantly accelerated with Albania's agreement to let Italy open and manage two migrant centers in Gjadër and Shëngjin. This was in exchange for Rome's backing of Tirana's EU membership bid.
The political blemish was the timing of the Giro's start coinciding with parliamentary elections. But were the Albanians influenced by the arrival of such an event? No! Indeed, to quote Michele Petacci's excellent article for L'Ultimo Uomo, "Albania didn't notice the Giro d’Italia."
Albania's investment in sport isn't aimed at swaying voters. Rather, it seeks to boost its global popularity and legitimise Edi Rama's policies and achievements. As Nicola Sbetti, a sports historian at Unibo's Department of Arts, highlighted on Radio Nettuno Bologna Uno's "L'Ora Dario," Edi Rama aims to underscore his diplomatic and political successes in relations with Italy.
For Albanians, Italy and Italians represent an Achilles' heel; a nation and people towards whom they still harbor an inferiority complex. Edi Rama's recent gesture towards Giorgia Meloni is a perfect representation of it. Therefore, successfully persuading Italy to launch a major competition like the Giro d’Italia sends a powerful message to the Albanian populace that this gap is narrowing. It's almost perceived as an upgrade in their social, political, and diplomatic standing.
Some have invoked the term "sportswashing," of which I'm not a great fan. Again, borrowing from Nicola Sbetti, he noted that the Giro has previously started in countries like Hungary and Israel, which were, and remain, politically more complex than Albania. However, far more democratic nations in considerably better political shape, such as Belgium and Denmark, have made the same choice. Italy itself decided to have the Tour de France start on its roads.
In essence, it's a decision many countries make, and we shouldn't reduce everything solely to "sportswashing."
In the end, how did it go?
It arguably wasn't a sporting success, at least not to the extent anticipated. Cycling certainly isn't a sport that ignites Albanian passions; football holds that honour. Indeed, the Conference League final in Tirana, where the Italian team Roma triumphed under José Mourinho, was a resounding success – a perfect sequence of events.
The Giro, instead, passed almost unnoticed. Edi Rama won the elections again and will continue to lead the country, a feat he likely would have achieved even without the Giro.
While a sporting disappointment, politically, the two countries continue to strengthen their cohesion. Italy is tentatively trying to bolster its influence in a country where Italians are admired, though often unaware of this affection.
For Rome, a greater influence in Albania and curbing Turkish sway there would be fundamental. However, the Turks have manoeuvred skillfully and with considerable foresight.
For Italy, it is most likely too late. And the most it can afford is to use Albania as a "parking lot" for human beings. An action that perfectly encapsulates the moral and political decline of both countries.
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https://albaniantimes.al/in-major-debut-albania-to-host-first-three-stages-of-2025-giro-ditalia/
https://www.giroditalia.it/en/the-route/
https://www.ultimouomo.com/giro-italia-2025-partenza-albania-reportage-come-e-andata